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Monday February 27, 6:22 AM Analysis: Crisis Puts Al-Sadr at Forefront Photo: AP Click to enlarge The bombing and bloodshed that pushed Iraq to the brink of civil war have propelled anti-American firebrand Muqtada al-Sadr to the forefront of Iraqi politics. The young Shiite cleric who twice defied America in 2004 now has emerged as a major threat to U.S. plans for Iraq. Al-Sadr had already managed to carve out a strong position in Iraqi politics. His followers won 30 of the 275 parliament seats in the December elections, and his support enabled Prime Minister Ibrahim al-Jaafari to win the nomination of the Shiite bloc for a second term as prime minister. But the outbreak of Shiite-Sunni violence presented al-Sadr with an opportunity that he was quick the exploit. Through skillful use of intimidation, first, and then concessions, al-Sadr, 31, has profited more than any other Iraqi figure from the unrest that swept the country after the Wednesday bombing of a Shiite shrine, which triggered reprisal attacks against Sunni mosques and clerics. Many of those reprisal attacks were believed to be the work of al-Sadr's own Mahdi Army militia, which operates in the Shiite slum of Sadr City and in Shiite strongholds throughout the country. But al-Sadr, who was in Lebanon when the bombing occurred, denied any role in the violence. He quickly joined moderate Shiite clerics in public appeals to halt the attacks. The fact that the worst of the violence ended after the clerics' appeal added to al-Sadr's prestige, especially since no major Shiite figure has openly challenged his denial of a role in the reprisal attacks. The message was clear: al-Sadr controls the streets in much of the country, and no agreement to restore order has a chance of success unless he signs off on it. No major Shiite figure, including the country's top cleric Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani himself, would at this point challenge al-Sadr openly. In effect, al-Sadr's followers stirred up trouble, and then took credit for stopping it. Having showed its power in the streets, al-Sadr's movement then moved quickly to solidify its political position and broaden its influence among Iraqis at large _ actions that pose a major challenge to both mainstream Shiite parties and to the United States. Al-Sadr the menacing face of Shiite street power became al-Sadr the voice of religious brotherhood and Iraqi pride. That was quite a shift for a leader who led two armed uprisings against U.S. forces in 2004 after he was charged in the murder of a rival cleric _ a case which was frozen under a January deal to end the fighting. Returning home to Najaf on Sunday, al-Sadr told his followers that "there is no such thing as Sunni or Shiite mosques. The mosques are for all Iraqi people and for all Muslims." He even offered his Mahdi Army fighters to protect Sunni mosques _ some of which were seized by his followers according to Sunni politicians. Al-Sadr then turned to hardline Sunni clerics who share his opposition to the U.S. presence in Iraq. Even before he returned home, al-Sadr's movement then signed an agreement Saturday with the Sunni Association of Muslim Scholars to prohibit killing members of the two sects and banning attacks on each other's mosques. A joint statement blamed the presence of American and other coalition forces for the sectarian crisis and urged them to withdraw as soon as possible. The association is believed to have links to at least some of the Sunni insurgent groups. The agreement thus provides al-Sadr with an opportunity to broaden his influence among the disaffected minority to a greater extent than any other Shiite leader. All this represents a major challenge both to mainstream Shiite parties and to the United States _ especially if al-Jaafari is confirmed as prime minister and grants al-Sadr's followers major posts in the new government. That would put supporters of the avowedly anti-American al-Sadr in key decision-making positions in the ministries. The youthful al-Sadr is likely to remain a powerful force in the Shiite community long after the elderly moderates like Ayatollah al-Sistani have left the stage. In the short term, al-Sadr is likely to resist pressure to disband his militia, a major U.S. goal. On Sunday, al-Sadr suggested instead that his militia should be given a formal role to work "in coordination with the Iraqi government, army, police and people." Militias undercut the U.S. hope of creating a professional Iraqi army that will then secure the country, and allow American troops to begin going home. Just as important, al-Sadr's vision for Iraq is markedly different from that of the United States or the Westernized politicians such as ex-Prime Minister Ayad Allawi that the United States has tacitly supported. Areas under the control of al-Sadr's militia provide insights into what an Iraq run by the Sadrists may look like. In Basra, al-Sadr's militiamen have reportedly bombed stores suspected of selling liquor or permissive entertainment material, according to residents. They routinely berate women whose appearance they deem immodest. More alarming are al-Sadr's links to some of the most radical elements in the Middle East, including the clerical regime in Iran and the hardline government in Syria, both of whom welcomed on visits this month. On his visit to Syria, al-Sadr praised Hamas' victory in the Palestinian elections. "I hope it is the beginning of an Islamic awakening and that it will be the start ... of Islam's triumph in other Islamic countries," he said. ___ Robert H. Reid is correspondent at large for The Associated Press and has frequently reported from Iraq since 2003.